Demonocracy: The Great Human Scourge!

The End of Democracy

Review: Christophe Buffin de Chosal, The End of Democracy, Translated by Ryan P. Plummer. Printed in the U.S.A.: Tumblar House, 2017.


One cannot speak too highly of Christophe Buffin de Chosal’s The End of Democracy. In a fast paced, readable, yet scholarly fashion, Professor Buffin de Chosal* demolishes the ideological justification in which modern democracy rests while he describes the disastrous effects that democratic rule has had on Western societies. He explodes the myth of Democracy as a protector of individual liberty, a prerequisite for economic progress, and a promoter of the higher arts. Once Democracy is seen in this light, a far more accurate interpretation of modern history can be undertaken. The book is a very suitable companion to Hans-Hermann Hoppe’s iconoclastic take down of democracy in Democracy: The God That Failed, released at the beginning of this century. Buffin de Chosal has spoken of a follow up which will be eagerly awaited for.

Democratic Governance

The idea of rule by the people is a scam, one perpetuated by those who, in actuality, are in control of the government. Through the “democratic process” of voting and elections, a small, determined minority can impose its will despite majority opposition:

We often hear it said that ‘in a democracy,

it is the people who rule. . . .’ Rule by the

people is a myth which loses all substance

once confronted with the real practice in

democracy. [13]

Quoting from a Russian philosopher, Buffin de Chosal continues his criticism:

   The best definition [of democracy] was

given by the Russian philosopher Vasily Rozanov.

‘Democracy is the system by which an

organized minority governs an unorganized

majority.’ This ‘unorganized majority’ is the

people, aggregated and individualistic,

incapable of reaction because disjointed. [28]

He expands upon Rozanov’s theme:

. . . [C]ontrary to what [democracy’s] principles

proclaim: one can say that the majority

almost never wins. Democracy is not the

system of the majority, but that of the most

powerful minority, and it has this power

not simply due to its numbers, but also and

above all due to its organization. [31]

Power does not reside in “the people” and certainly not in the individual. In democracy, the only way to express one’s preference or protect one’s rights is through the ballot box every so often. “Each voter,” writes Buffin de Chosal, “in a democracy, is the depositary of a tiny particle of sovereignty, in itself unusable. His sole power consists in dropping a ballot into a box, whereby he is immediately dispossessed of his particle of sovereignty at the profit of those who are going to represent him.” [Ibid.]

Popular democracy has always been condemned and feared by most thinkers since the beginning of human societies. It was not until intellectuals saw demonocracy as a way they could attain power that they began to advocate it as a system of social order. Prior to the democratic age, most of the learned understood that democracy would result in mob rule and the displacement of natural authority with demagogues. In short, the worst would rise to the top as the author describes the typical characteristics of a contemporary politician:

   The ideal politician, on the other hand, is

pliable, convincing, and a liar by instinct. He is

not attached to any platform and has no

ideological objective. The single thing to which

he is truly committed is power. He wants its

prestige and advantages, and seeks above all

to be personally enriched by it. Any politician

who presents this aspect is recognized as fit for

power in a democracy. . . . It is therefore not

surprising that democratically elected assemblies

are almost exclusively comprised of

these kinds of men and women. Elected

heads of state almost always fit this profile,

and international institutions, such as the

European Union, consider it the only

acceptable profile. . . . [35]

Democracy and the State

Since the advent of modern democracy, the principle benefactor of its rule has been the State and the politically-connected financial elites who are in actuality the true rulers of societies. Instead of putting an end to the supposedly despotic rule of the Ancien Régime, which Democracy’s proponents claim to have existed throughout the monarchial and aristocratic age, governance by the people, has instead witnessed an increase in state power and control of individual lives to an unprecedented level in human history. Few, if any, pope, emperor, king, prince, or duke have ever possessed such suzerainty.

In contrast to what has been taught in classrooms, on university campuses, and espoused throughout the media, individual rights and freedoms were far better guarded in the age prior to Democracy’s ascendancy. Pre-revolutionary Europe had social structures which insulated individuals from State power far more effectively than under modern democracy.

   The concept of an organic society was abolished at

the time of the French Revolution. The corps and

orders were suppressed, the privileges were abolished,

and everything which allowed the people to protect

themselves from the power of the state was banished

in the name of liberty. [24]

And in return for giving up the order that protected them from state depredations, the people received “sovereignty:”

They were given the false promise that they

would no longer need to defend themselves

from the state since they themselves were the

state. But if a people organized into corps and

orders are incapable of exercising sovereignty,

how much more so a people comprising a formless

mass of individuals! [Ibid.]

Historically, all of the democratic movements which supposedly stemmed from the people were, in fact, a falsehood, perpetuated largely by revolutionaries who sought to replace the established order with themselves. While legislatures, congresses, and democratic bodies of all sorts have been interpreted as the fruition of the masses’ desire for representation, the reality was quite different:

   Democracy is not, in its origin, a system of

the people. In England with the advent of the

parliamentary system just as in France during the

Revolution, it was not the people who were seen

at work. Even the Russian Revolution was not a

phenomenon of the people. To regard the people

or what the communist elegantly call the ‘masses’

as the agent of change or political upheaval is purely

a theoretical view, a historical myth, of which

one sees no trace in reality. The ‘people’ were

the pretext, the dupes, and almost always the

victims of the revolutions, not the engines. [13]

Not only was propagation of the myth of popular support for democratic ideals propounded for the survival of the new social order, but putting these tenets into practice was accomplished, in large part, by the role of the “intellectual” an often neglected feature of standard historical analysis and the reason behind much social transformation:

The ‘nation’ met the desires of the philosophers

who wanted to transfer power from the monarch

to an enlightened, philosophical, and philanthropic

class who, moreover, ought to be financially

comfortable. The educated bourgeoisie of the

time were the protagonists of this idea, and a

portion of the nobility formed their audience. [13-14]

The intellectuals promoted Democracy because it would open up for them considerable opportunities for position and income in the nation state. It must be remembered that it was the intellectuals who justified the idea of Absolutism. Later, the intellectuals turned on the monarchies and sided with the emerging republican classes rightly believing that democratic governance would give them greater opportunities for power in the emerging nation states.

Democracy and Modern History

While most historians see the advancement of democracy and the development of legislative bodies over the course of the last centuries as an advancement in the human condition and one that has emanated from the people’s desire for greater political representation, Buffin de Chosal presents a far different and more accurate interpretation. “Democracy,” he asserts, “is not, in its origin a system of the people.” [13] All of the social movements which eventually led to the destruction of Christendom did not come from the people seeking a greater “voice” in their governance.

“The ‘people,’” Buffin de Chosal argues, “were the pretext, the dupes, and almost always the victims of the revolutions, not the engines.” [Ibid.] Liberté, Éqalité, Fraternité was not a popular cry, but one coined and used by the “enlightened” classes to mobilize and justify their overthrow of the French monarchy and with it the destruction of the Church.

    The French Revolution was built on the

idea of the ‘nation,’ which claimed to bring

together the intellectual, social, and financial

elite of the country. It was on this foundation

that democracy was established and that it

functioned during almost all of the nineteenth

century. [Ibid.]

A similar historical narrative can be seen in England.

The rise and eventual triumph of representative democracy in England was not one that percolated from the masses itching for more freedom. “The appearance of the parliamentary system in England,” Buffin de Chosal contends, “was tied to the great movement of Church property confiscation begun under Henry VIII and continuing until the coming of the Stuarts.” [14]

After Henry gorged himself on the Church’s wealth, he sought to bribe as much of the nobility as possible with his ill-gotten gains to insure his power. An envious Parliament, however, wanted its cut of the loot which led to the great internecine struggle between Crown and Parliament which eventually ended in the suzerainty of the latter with the Glorious Revolution of 1688. The real power from then on rested with an oligarchical legislative branch:

The families who had thus helped themselves

to the Church’s goods, morally justified by

Protestant ethics, formed the gentry, the class

of landowners who sat in Parliament. Parliament

was not then, as one might believe today, an organ

of poplar representation. It was an instrument

in the hands of the gentry to defend its own class

interests. [16-17]

That Parliament and the monarchy would become the two dominant ruling structures was the result of the breakdown of the feudal structure which was taking place not only in England, but across Europe. European monarchs continued to gain more and more power at the expense of the feudal landed elite. The gentry’s power and wealth was also on the wane with the rise of commercial centers which most of the time aligned themselves first with the kings and then later with Parliament. The eventual triumph of Parliament, however, did not mean greater democracy for the people:


The financial incentives for England’s adoption

of the Protestant Reformation are therefore

intimately connected with the bolstering of

Parliamentary power. The Parliament in England

was used to put the monarchy in check and to

replace it with an oligarchic class of wealthy

Protestants to whom the kings were required to

submit. This is why the overthrow of James II

in 1688 was a true revolution. It was not a

popular revolution or the overthrowing of a

tyranny, but it was the rebellion of a class

implementing the transfer of sovereign power

for its own profit. [17]

The Church and Democracy

The Faith, too, has not escaped the ravages of the democratic order. This, of course, has not been by happenstance, but the enemies of the Church have craftily used Democracy to woo the masses away from Christianity and replace it with the State as the societal authority as it has taken over nearly all of the practices, duties, and services once performed by the Church and voluntary organizations. Once Almighty God and His Church were pushed to the side, Democracy’s proponents turned on the family to reduce its role in society through the liberalization of divorce and the acceptance of remarriage, the promotion of feminism and its society-wrecking notion of “working women,” all of which has led to the creation of the “dysfunctional family.” The disruption of the procreative function of the traditional family is the primary reason for the demographic nightmare that Occidental populations are facing which, if things are not reversed, will mean replacement in the West by the more fruitful Muslims.

Intricately linked with the democratic nation state has been the notion of religious liberty. Most Western constitutions have codified in their legal structures religious liberty which implies that all religions are basically the same and should be allowed to flourish despite how many errors they contain or blasphemies that are uttered. Catholicism is thus, under modern democracy, no different in the eyes of the State than any other creed or even non-Christian sects as Buddhism, Islam, or Judaism.

Of equal importance and one of the great pillars which the modern state rests is the Jeffersonian concept of “Separation of Church & State.” The dogma is strictly held today and has been embraced throughout academia, the press, and even among the general public. Sadly, most Catholics hold to this sacrosanct secular tenet despite it being condemned by Church authorities since it first reared its head during the Enlightenment.

While most of the book does not deal with the effects that Democracy has had on the Church, Buffin de Chosal’s analysis opens up a number of fascinating fields for future studies of how the democratic order supplanted the Church, which led, in part, to the triumph of Modernism at Vatican II. Moreover, his analysis raises questions as to why most Catholics have championed Democracy despite its harmful effects on the Church.

The Family and the State

The forces behind people’s rule understood that to attain ultimate victory they had to reduce the status of the natural hierarchical structure of society. The Church was the first victim in this societal leveling, then came the aristocratic structure of governance. After the Church and the monarchies were either liquidated or reduced to insignificance, Democracy turned its sights on the most important institution of society – the family and its patriarchal structure. Once this natural, order-producing social organism was disabled, the democratic state could, and did, move in to supply and take over the all important duties and services that the family naturally provided – education, the transmission of values and mores to its offspring, fidelity to the Church, and respect for legitimate authority. The breakdown of the family created a vacuum which the democratic state systematically moved into and willfully took over which, of course, shifted the populace’s allegiance away from the family and Church to the government and bureaucratic structures.

From its inception, the democratic state has done almost everything in its power to attack and reduce the traditional family structure through a whole host of economic, social, and regulatory measures. As a perceptive social theorist, Buffin de Chosal makes note of this which many conservative and traditional groups have failed to grasp in their blindness to Democracy. There has been no better example of the State’s attack on the family than public education:

. . . The democratic state does the same with education.

It makes it free and compulsory so that it is subject to its

regulatory powers. In certain countries, like Germany,

homeschooling is even prohibited to the point that it is

impossible to escape the curricula, teaching methods,

and educational values the government wants to impose. [78]

As with all democratic schemes, public schooling has been one of social engineering:

. . . the justification is social: to make education accessible to

all at very low cost. But the real objective is to form the

voters of tomorrow by transmitting to them from childhood

the thought patterns, values, dos and don’ts one wants them

to adopt. ‘There can be little doubt that compulsory education

was an extremely important step towards the totalitarian state.’ [78]

“Free” compulsory schooling was both the “carrot and stick” that democratic “reformers” used to attract and compel the family to surrender their children to the state and have their ideas, thoughts, values, and morality shaped by the government during ones most impressionable years. None of Democracy’s grand social engineering schemes could have been accomplished without a pliable citizenry indoctrinated by mass compulsory public schooling.

The Market Economy

The author takes a refreshing look at the market economy that sets straight the inaccurate and often times hostile analysis of it that frequently comes from conservative circles. He distinguishes and rightly points out that “pure capitalism” or the “unhampered market” is an “excellent thing” [123]. The free market is intimately tied with private property which is a prerequisite for a just Christian society:

[Capitalism] proceeds from respect for private property.

As capitalism is the reinvestment or saved money for the

purpose of making new profits, it presupposes respect for

property rights and free enterprise.   It has existed in Europe

since the Middle Ages and has contributed significantly to

the development of Western society. [Ibid.]

He insightfully notes that “bad capitalism” often gets lumped in with its “good form” while the latter gets the blame for the baneful excesses of the former. “Monopoly capitalism,” “corporatism,” “the mixed economy,” and “crony capitalism” are not the result of the market process, but stem from “intervention” brought about by the State in favor of its business favorites through participatory democracy. In a truly free market, entrenched wealth is rarely maintained but is constantly subjected to challenges by competitors:

But what one ought to designate as bad

capitalism is the concentration of wealth and

power this wealth procures. This danger does

not stem from capitalism itself but rather from

parliamentary democracy, for it is democracy

that enables money powers to dominate the

political realm. [Ibid.]

The “monied interest” did not exist under “traditional monarchy,” but was a product of Democracy and the protection and extension of the “bad capitalistic” paradigm that came into being and was expanded by the rise of popular representative bodies. Assemblies, legislatures, and congresses, which emerged, became aligned with the banking and financial interests to bring about the downfall of the monarchies.

The concentration of political power could only be attained after the control of money and credit were centralized in the form of central banking and the gold standard was eliminated. Central banks have been an instrumental part of the democratic age, funding the nation state’s initiatives and enriching the politically- tied financial elites at the expense of everyone else.

Wealth concentration is not a by-product of the free market. Rarely are firms able to maintain their dominance for long periods of time. Many turn to the State to get protection and monopoly grants to ensure their position in the economy:

. . . capitalism only becomes harmful when

it grants political power to the money powers.

This was only made possible thanks to the advent

of parliamentary democracy, which was an

invention of liberalism. It is therefore the

foundational principles of political liberalism

(equality before the law, suppression of privileges,

centralization of political power, censitary suffrage,

and the accountability of ministers to the legislative

houses) which have enabled the rise of a wealthy class

and its power over society. [124]

Such sound economic analysis abounds throughout his tome.

Future Prospects

The author rightly sees that because of its nature and the type of personalities that it attracts, modern democracy cannot reform itself, but will eventually collapse from financial stress, war, and/or civil strife:

Parliamentary democracy rarely produces true

statesmen, as its party system more often

promotes ambitious and self-interested persons,

demagogues, and even communication experts.

These are generally superficial and egocentric

individuals with a very limited understanding

of society and man. These politicians do not

have the makings of statesmen. They are

adventurers who use the state to satiate their

hunger for power and money or to benefit

their party. [147]

Efforts to reform it, however, should not be totally dismissed since they could lead to more fundamental change and ultimately the creation of a new political paradigm for Western governance. Populism and the various movements around the globe which fall into that category should be encouraged. Populism, because of is lack of definite ideological underpinnings, has meant different things at different times to different people. Most populists, however, do not want to get rid of democratic forms of government, but want the system to be more “responsive” of its constituents instead of favoring entrenched political elites. Populism is a symptom of the growing failure of modern democracy’s inability to “deliver the goods” that it promises to a now growing dependency class.

As a means of getting rid of totalitarian democracy, populist movements and themes should always be encouraged:

In Europe, the only political forces today

which could, in the more extreme of circumstances

assume this rescue role are found on the side of

populism. Conservative in its values, sometimes

classically liberal when it is a matter of opposing

the stifling interventionism of the state, and yet ready

to defend social gains . . . populism is the only

political current which comes to the defense of

those interests of the population denied or ignored

by the parties in power. [148]

He adds:

Populist parties, from the simple fact that they

can bring together voters from both the left

and the right, have a chance of coming to power

in the near enough future. The deterioration of

of security conditions in Europe due to mass

immigration plays in their favor. [148-49]

While he does not explicitly discuss it, a more concrete and ideological coherent idea and one of historical precedent, is that of secession. For all those who oppose the democratic order, secession is the most justifiable, logical, and practical strategy for the dissolution of the nation state. Secession movements, therefore, whether they do not outwardly condemn parliamentary democracy and only seek to establish a “better run” system, should always be supported.


The most likely scenario if there is to be a change in Western democratic life will be from a world-wide economic crisis and collapse of the financial system which will render the nation states unable to meet their financial obligations to their citizens. All economies are hopelessly indebted from their welfare state excesses and can never hope to meet their promises which now runs in the trillions. What will emerge in the aftermath of a collapse is hard to predict, but some form of authoritarianism is likely which will be centered on a one-world state with a single, irredeemable currency.

A return to a saner, pre-democratic world is only possible by the revitalization of the Catholic Church and its placement once again at the center of Western life. The Catholic Church is the moral and spiritual authority designed by Almighty God for the salvation of souls. Majority consent via the democratic process does not trump eternal laws.

Before this can take place, however, the current band of apostates, heretics, rapists, sodomites, embezzlers, and thieves need to be driven from Christ’s Church and cast into the exterior darkness. After such cleansing, all of the decrees of the wicked Second Vatican Anti-Council with its embracement of Democracy and the heretical notion of religious liberty must be condemned.

While the financial demise of Western-styled democracy will be evident for all to see, its ideological underpinnings which have justified its existence needs to be extirpated. Any hope of it being reconstituted to better serve “the people” needs to be shot down. There is no better place to start the de-mystification of Democracy than with Christophe Buffin de Chosal’s magnificent, The End of Democracy.


*Professor Buffin de Chosal teaches economic history at the United Business Institutes.




posted by editors/7-18-’19

Traditional Catholic Pioneer Patrick Omlor – An Appreciation

Omlor QTV       P Omlor

If a Counter-Conciliar movement is ever going to coalesce and expunge the usurpers, perverts, and crooks which have taken over Christ’s once Holy Church, it must first acknowledge and learn from the forefathers of modern traditional Catholicism. An indispensable place to begin would be the study of the works of Patrick Omlor (1931-2013), in particular his seminal monograph written a half century ago, Questioning the Validity of the Masses Using the New, All-English Canon (QTV). A collection of studies, essays, and columns including QTV can be found in the Robber Church.


The outcome of Vatican II and the New Mass has been, to say the least, a catastrophe as millions have left the Church, converted to Protestantism or other non-Christian sects, or have mistakenly stayed with the Novus Ordo.

Published shortly after the close of the Second Vatican Anti-Council, 1962-65, and prior to the Paul VI/Bugnini-inspired New Mass of 1970, Omlor was one of the few who understood and had the temerity to challenge its validity. Very few at the time, especially among the Catholic intelligentsia, who should have known better, opposed in any meaningful way the revolution which was taking place before their very eyes. The Buckleys, Bozells, and Buchanans all eventually went along (albeit grudgingly) with the changes and accepted the Novus Ordo as legitimate. It is puzzling that learned Catholics did not see the handwriting on the wall since the Conciliar revolutionaries used similar arguments and methods which Protestant reformers employed centuries before to achieve their diabolical ends.

Omlor’s Argument

With concise, pointed, and unassailable reasoning, Omlor demonstrates that the English Canon of the New Mass invalidates it as a Catholic Sacrament. The New Mass’s Canon is not a mere “mistranslation,” but a new form – deliberately conceived which changes the very words of Christ. “Now if a specific, determined matter is required for the validity of a sacrament,” Omlor writes, “greater still is the necessity of a specific, determinate form.” [26] He then quotes St. Thomas on a sacrament’s form:

And therefore in order to insure the perfection of

sacramental signification it was necessary to

determine the signification of the sensible things

(i.e., the matter) by means of certain words . . .

[I]n the sacraments the words are as the form, and

sensible things are as the matter. Now in all things

composed of matter and form, the determining

principle is on the part of the form. . . .   [I]n the

sacraments . . . much more is there need in them

of a determinate form of words. [26-27]

Pope Pius IX when asked about the inclusion of St. Joseph’s name in the Mass rejected the idea and reportedly said: “I am only the Pope. What power have I to touch the Canon.” Omlor rightly admonishes that no one has the right to alter a sacrament:

And so . . . mere men may not dare usurp the right

to change the proper form of a sacrament. [27]

According to the Angelic Doctor, the proper form for the consecration of the bread is:

This is My Body.

Prior to the introduction of the all English Canon, the words for the consecration of the bread were:

For this is My Body.

The new Canon omits “for” which deliberately tampers with Tradition as St. Thomas explains: “[For this is My Body] is set in this form according to the custom of the Roman Church, who derived it from Peter the Apostle.” [27] While the omission of “for” does not invalidate the sacrament, Omlor rightly contends that the Liturgical Innovators “exhibit a callous disregard for a Tradition of the Roman Catholic Church, a Tradition dating from the very beginnings of Christianity. Indeed a Tradition ‘derived from Peter the Apostle.’” [28]

In his discussion of the Consecration of the Wine, Omlor quotes from the Council of Trent, published by “command” of Pope St. Pius V. The form Consecration of the Wine is as follows:

This is the chalice of my blood, of the new and

eternal testament, the mystery of faith, which

shall be shed for you and for many, to the

remission of sins. [28]

Omlor then compares the dogmatic formula with the all-English Canon:

This is my body. This is the cup of my blood,

the blood of the new and ever-lasting

covenant – the mystery of faith. This blood is

to be shed for you and for all men so that

sins may be forgiven. [32]

He notes the new phraseology and the substitution of words in the English Canon “cup” for “chalice” and “is to be shed” for “shall be shed.”

While disturbing and probably sinful, these subtle changes are not as grievous as the final words of the new rite: For you and for all men so that sins may be forgiven. This clearly connotes a different meaning (universal salvation) than the original: For you and for many unto the forgiveness of sins.

While the omission of words may not invalidate a sacrament, Omlor asserts that “it goes without saying that if the substance of the form is altered by the omission, then the sacrament is invalidated.” [33] He bases his claim on St. Thomas who says:

Now it is clear, if any substantial part of the

sacramental form be suppressed, that the

essential sense of the words is destroyed;

and consequently the sacrament is invalid. [33-34]

The Importance of QTV Today

Conservative and semi-traditional Catholics have willfully ignored the essential point of Omlor’s argument. They understand that if they agree with his reasoning, they will be ostracized, attacked, possibly “ex-communicated” from the New Order, and may incur the wrath of the Argentine heretic who will heap upon them all sorts of nasty invectives.

The question that must be asked is who cares what the Conciliar Church authorities think, say, or do? Why would anyone of sound mind want to be affiliated in any way with the Novus Ordo? Not only are its sacraments graceless, but it is a criminal organization, populated by paedophiles and their protectors from Bergoglio on down all of whom are responsible for the destruction of the lives and souls of thousands of children along with the embezzlement of millions of dollars.

Once conservatives and semi-traditional Catholics concede that the New Mass and Sacraments are legitimate, they are then left fighting secondary battles: abortion, “same-sex marriage,” or trying to decipher the “secrets” of apparitions. While abortion and homosexual marriage are certainly abominable, the fact that the Novus Ordo Mass and Newchurch Sacraments are not valid is a far worse offense to Almighty God. If the time and energy spent on the “pro-life” movement was instead directed in defense of the Traditional Mass, the Conciliar Church authorities may have been defeated long ago.


Neoconservative Catholics who are outraged at the actions of the Conciliar popes lost the battle long ago. For their efforts are grounded on the acceptance of the Novus Ordo Mass as valid and capable of producing sanctifying grace. Omlor’s treatise shows that it is clearly not.

The only approach, therefore, to take if things are ever to be turned around is to reject everything that took place at Vatican II and in its aftermath along with the often overlooked, but troubling Modernist activities and changes that occurred under Pius XII/Pacelli which, in many cases, laid the groundwork for Vatican II. Newchurch should not only be rejected, but the entire rotten edifice needs to be burned to the ground! It cannot, nor should there be any attempts to salvage it.

There is no better place to start the counter revolution and eventual destruction of the Novus Ordo Church than with a wide dissemination of Patrick Henry Omlor’s Questioning the Validity of the Masses Using the New, All-English Canon and his other magnificent uncompromising works . Those who read them with an open mind will be led to renounce the Conciliar Church forever. This, of course, is Omlor’s greatest legacy, for there have undoubtedly been thousands awakened by his writing and have abandoned, for the good of their immortal souls, the New Mass.

editors/Christus Rex / posted 3-12-’19 Feast Day of St. Gregory the Great